Blogger's response: What Pope Francis is maneuvering to alter is not the melody but the key it has been played in. What was b flat before Vatican II is now to be played in f sharp after Vatican II. The melody is the same. What was pagan object in b flat is now Christian subject in f sharp.
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Ross Douthat
THE Vatican always seems
to have the secrets and intrigues of a Renaissance court — which, in a way, is
what it still remains. The ostentatious humility of Pope Francis, his scoldings
of high-ranking prelates, have changed this not at all; if anything, the
pontiff’s ambitions have encouraged plotters and counterplotters to work with
greater vigor.
And right now the chief
plotter is the pope himself.
Francis’s purpose is
simple: He favors the proposal, put forward by the church’s liberal cardinals, that
would allow divorced and remarried Catholics to receive communion without
having their first marriage declared null.
Thanks to the pope’s tacit support,
this proposal became a central controversy in last year’s synod on the family
and the larger follow-up, ongoing in Rome right now.
But if his purpose is
clear, his path is decidedly murky.
Procedurally, the pope’s powers are near-absolute: If Francis decided tomorrow
to endorse communion for the remarried, there is no Catholic Supreme Court that
could strike his ruling down.
At the
same time, though, the pope is supposed to have no power to
change Catholic doctrine. This rule has no official enforcement
mechanism (the Holy Spirit is supposed to be the crucial check and balance),
but custom, modesty, fear of God and fear of schism all restrain popes who
might find a doctrinal rewrite tempting.
And a change of doctrine
is what conservative Catholics, quite reasonably,
believe that the communion proposal favored by Francis essentially implies.
There’s probably a
fascinating secular political science tome to be written on how the combination
of absolute and absolutely-limited power shapes the papal office. In such a
book, Francis’s recent maneuvers would deserve a chapter, because he’s clearly
looking for a mechanism that would let him exercise his powers without
undercutting his authority.
The key to this search
has been the synods, which have no official doctrinal role but which can project
an image of ecclesiastical consensus. So a strong synodal statement endorsing
communion for the remarried as a merely “pastoral” change, not a doctrinal
alteration, would make Francis’s task far easier.
Unfortunately such a
statement has proven difficult to extract — because the ranks of Catholic
bishops include so many Benedict XVI and John Paul II-appointed conservatives,
and also because the “pastoral” argument is basically just rubbish. The
church’s teaching that marriage is indissoluble has already been pushed close to the
breaking point by this pope’s new expedited annulment process;
going all the way to communion without annulment would just
break it.
So to overcome resistance
from bishops who grasp this obvious point, first last year’s synod and now this
one have been, to borrow from the Vatican journalist Edward Pentin’s recent
investigative book, “rigged”
by the papal-appointed organizers in favor of the pope’s preferred outcome.
The documents guiding the
synod have been written with that goal in mind. The pope has made appointments to
the synod’s ranks with that goal in mind, not hesitating to add even aged cardinals tainted by
the sex abuse scandal if they are allied to the cause of
change. The Vatican press office has filtered the synod’s closed-door (per the
pope’s directive) debates to the media with that goal in mind. The churchmen
charged with writing the final synod report have been selected with that goal
in mind. And Francis himself, in his daily homilies, has consistently
criticized Catholicism’s “doctors of the law,”
its modern legalists and Pharisees — a not-even-thinly-veiled signal of his
views.
(Though of course, in the
New Testament the Pharisees allowed divorce; it was Jesus who
rejected it.)
And yet his plan is not
necessarily succeeding. There reportedly still isn’t anything like a majority for
the proposal within the synod, which is probably why the organizers hedged
their bets for a while about whether there would even be a
final document. And the conservatives — African, Polish, American, Australian —
have been less surprised than
last fall, and quicker to draw public lines and
try to box the pontiff in with
private appeals.
The entire situation
abounds with ironies. Aging progressives are seizing a moment they thought had
slipped away, trying to outmaneuver younger conservatives who recently thought
they owned the Catholic future. The African bishops are defending the faith of
the European past against Germans and Italians weary of their own patrimony. A
Jesuit pope is effectively at war with his own Congregation for the Doctrine of
the Faith, the erstwhile Inquisition — a situation that would make 16th century
heads spin.
For a Catholic
journalist, for any journalist, it’s a fascinating story, and speaking strictly
as a journalist, I have no idea how it will end.
Speaking as a Catholic, I
expect the plot to ultimately fail; where the pope and the historic faith seem
to be in tension, my bet is on the faith.
But for an institution
that measures its life span in millennia, “ultimately” can take a long time to
arrive.
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